Is it worthwhile to give up trying to understand and discuss a gamut of certain political events - which tend to be the majority - just because they do not fit in what is considered essential from the structural point of view (assuming that "structural" refers to all things that have to do with the reproduction of the mode of social production)? Every elite has two opposing tendencies: (a) an aristocratic tendency, by which the elite seeks to preserve the ruling position of its members and to prevent others from entering its ranks; (b) a democratic tendency by which (i) new elements force their way into the elite from below or (ii) the ruling class opens ranks and absorbs new elements from below. If, on one hand, it is undeniable that elites act in a structural context which restricts their margin of actions/option and redefine the sense of their strategies despite their initial intentions and "projects," on the other hand, it is not less undeniable that these elites make choices, outline their tactics, redefine decisions and calculate the reach of their possibilities of power and thereby affect the concrete dynamic of the political and social worlds. https://www.britannica.com/topic/elite-theory. The purpose of this issue is to carry over the ambition of re-introducing elite theory onto the centre stage of philosophical and political-theoretical debates, especially against the backdrop of democratic theory and experiences. A main influence for the study was Franz Leopold Neumann's book, Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 19331944, a study of how Nazism came to power in the German democratic state. Lua Nova, 71: 81-121. ), Histria do marxismo, Rio de Janeiro, Paz e Terra, vol. According to Hirschman, the assertion that any society, regardless of its political structure, is always divided between the elite and the non-elite was tailor-made [by classical elitists] to prove the futility of any move toward true political citizenship via the franchise (Hirschman 1991, p. 51). C. Wright Mills Power Elite Theory. Her argumentative path leads her to an interpretation of the role that intellectuals might undertake of connecting civil society and the government, of fortifying or even restoring the trust between the individuals and their representatives, thereby strengthening the levels of legitimacy in contemporary democracies. Revista de Sociologia e Poltica, 3, nov. SKOCPOL, Theda. Political Science. New Left Review, 59, jan.-fev. Let us remember that the broader goal of this article is to (re)establish a dialogue between Marxism and elitism, which was interrupted after Nicos Poulantzas advanced his critique of elite theory (summarized above) and the reproaches to its uncritical incorporation by Ralph Miliband in The State in Capitalist Society (cf., in particular, Poulantzas, 1969). In the words of Pareto, political science needs to be based on the study of the elite, its composition, its structure and the mode of its relation to the non-elite (apud Burnham 1943, p. 165). They then argue that recognition of celebrity epistemic power can be a valuable resource for supporting the legitimacy and practice of democratic elitism, though these benefits carry certain risks to which elite theories are particularly vulnerable. Marx believed that conflict between groups struggling to either attain wealth and power or keep the wealth and power they had was inevitable in a capitalist society, and conflict was the only way for the underprivileged to eventually gain some measure of equality. In his book The Machiavellians: Defenders of Freedom, published in 1943, James Burnham made the then-astonishing claim that classical elitists were not necessarily anti-democratic. POULANTZAS, Nicos. Introduction. Guttsman, 1965; Keller, 1971; Carvalho, 1980; Czudnovski, 1982; Perissinotto; 2000; Hunt, 2007; inter alia). It essentially concerns how must we come to grips with the affinity (or divorce) between Marxism, as a theoretical system, and the social sciences, as a diverse ensemble of theories, methods and research techniques. On the other one, this theory is excessively focused upon the self-interests of "politically active minorities" and thus tend to shy away from choosing the possible (and in fact frequent) relationship between the behavior of the elites and certain outside interests as the object of analysis. Pluralists put forward the idea that power is not a physical quality that people have or do not have but yet it flows from a variety of sources. They make the selection of the elite possible, and they organise the majority while making the ruling minorities accountable. 4 It is an important idea in Pareto's theory and Mosca founds the power of the elite on their greater organisational capacity. (ed.). 3Take as examples Marx on the German Revolution (1848-1849) or on the political reality conveyed by the theoretical notion of "Bonapartism." The theoretical approaches include elite theory, group theory, political systems theory and institutionalism, policy output analysis, incremental theory and rational-choice theory which are primarily concerned with public policy-making as a process. Several patterns observable in Italian recruitment processes are preserved from one regime to another, such as party membership, career length, and cohort effect among the core group of ministers. Madri, Tecnos. (1971), Mas alla de la clase dirigente. which serve the purpose of restraining decision-makers from acting according to their whims. BOTTOMORE, Tom. These two tenets are ideologically allied but logically separable. In its place, and as a result of the historical transformations of capitalism, it suggests the existence of a super elite. Omissions? Elite cannot control the whole sphere of political activity: The advocates of elite theories wrongly believe that elite can control the whole sphere of political, social and economic activity. Most often, Marxism is perceived as economicism, that is, a theory according to which political agents act at the behest of "economic interests" or, more appropriately, of economic agents. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Book This is, in summary, the Poulantzian critique of elitism, from which it is already possible to deduce the premises, postulates and principles of this political science and which thwart any possible conceptual exchange with other traditions unwilling to accept this evidence. This is, as it happens, the analytical strategy adopted by Marx in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon. So Paulo, Editora da Unesp. Mills proposed that this group had been generated through a process of rationalization at work in all advanced industrial societies whereby the mechanisms of power became concentrated, funneling overall control into the hands of a limited, somewhat corrupt group. Taking elite theory seriously implies the recognition that it may yet preserve its original analytical force and that it might be helpful to demystify certain kinds of political formulae while bringing to light the crucial dynamic of the competition between different political actors typically in charge of the operation of government. As Cas Mudde pointed out, one of the main features of populism is the anti-elitist / anti-establishment rhetoric. Building upon a narrower, stricter definition, according to which the "ruling class" (or, more appropriately, the hegemonic fraction or class) is the one whose political interests is ensured to a great extent by state policies, Poulantzas advances two working notions in order to deal with this problem: the notion of a "ruling or hegemonic class" and a "class in charge of' the state apparatus. 3.1. Like Schumpeter, Salvemini insisted on the dynamic dimension of elite theory; at a first level, a vertical dynamic between elites and non-elites allows the former to be tendentially open to external members; at a second level, however, a horizontal dynamic creates the conditions for competition between different elites. OLSON, Mancur. Please refer to the appropriate style manual or other sources if you have any questions. Dye's thesis is further expanded upon in his works: The Irony of Democracy, Politics in America, Understanding Public Policy, and Who's Running America?. This is to be done through a theoretical exposition placing this perspective in the spectrum of the main theories on the same topic , with special reference to the classical democratic-elite theories of Max Weber, Gaetano Mosca, Joseph The final essay combines the contemporary-focused approach of the first four essays and the historically-charged approach of the following three essays by focusing on a specific national experience: elite recruitment in Italy from 1919 to 1994. (1970), Fascisme et dictature: la Trosime Internationale face au fascisme. The fact that other Marxists incorporated some of the issues and concepts of elite theory - Miliband, Bottomore, Domhoff, for example - reveals that this statement is, to say the least, debatable. New Jersey, Prentice Hall. He believed that all organizations were elitist and that elites have three basic principles that help in the bureaucratic structure of political organization: Elmer Eric Schattschneider offered a strong critique of the American political theory of pluralism: Rather than an essentially democratic system in which the many competing interests of citizens are amply represented, if not advanced, by equally many competing interest groups, Schattschneider argued the pressure system is biased in favor of "the most educated and highest-income members of society", and showed that "the difference between those who participate in interest group activity and those who stand at the sidelines is much greater than between voters and nonvoters". Hence, it is a mistake to argue that any elite theoretician cannot identity the "true" basis of political power. There is a second, more empirical question which concerns the division of political power: is there a unity among elites (as Mosca, Michels, Mills and Meynaud, inter alia, argue) or rather a plurality of elites (as per Parsons, Aron, and Dahl)? Adding up these two shortcomings and pushing them to the limit, the "politically active minorities" seem to act in something of a social void. [11] This type of analysis was also used in later, larger scale, studies such as that carried out by M. Schwartz examining the power structures within the sphere of the corporate elite in the United States. The French word lite, from which the modern English is taken, means simply the elect or the chosen and thus accommodates the notion that people of outstanding ability hold their power and privileges by divine sanction. Another inescapable topic is the question of belonging to the class of state bureaucracy. ARON, Raymond. However, there is the possibility, for instance, of a class of fraction in the bloc of power that does not necessarily have its own party-style organization or that does not make itself present in the political scene in this way; a class or fraction of a class can disappear from the political scene yet continue to exist in the power bloc; there can possibly be a class of hegemonic fraction in the political scene that is different from the class or hegemonic class in power bloc; "the ruling class or fraction [] [in the political scene] can not only not be [the class of hegemonic faction], but can even, at times, be absent from the power bloc" (Idem, p. 76). When the issues of power, politics and the state regained the attention of Marxist sociologist in the late 1960s, in what can be aptly described as the first "institutionalist" uprising against the behavioral revolution and its culturalist offshoot, as well as against the theory of political systems and the ideological mirages of liberal pluralism, Nicos Poulantzas seized the occasion to defend the theoretical purity of theoretical Marxism. Consequently, no social structure is permanent, and no stable utopia is possible. In the end, the ruling minority always seeks to justify and legitimise its rule through ideological formulae, without which the social structure would disintegrate. What is more, the neo-elitists will argue that the transformation of capitalist system since the mid twentieth century (the separation between property and the means of production, effective social mobility among groups, the decentralization of government functions, the transformation of individuals into a "mass," the new roles taken on by state bureaucracy and so on) rendered obsolete the idea of a class that is at once politically and economically dominant. (1999), A lgica da ao coletiva. ; ii) is this connection simply instrumental, in that the latter controls the former? Harcourt, Brace & Co, New York, Salvemini G (1934) Democracy and dictatorship. Michelss account was unusually compelling because of his own egalitarian sympathies and his case studies of German socialist organizations. The choice of this sort of object of investigation is based on a hypothesis (one that is, by definition, refutable) which would allow the social scientist to avoid two very common temptations of political sociology: In order to avoid the traps of purely structural conceptions, which by means of metaphors spare themselves from using empirical procedures, but also without reducing the social system to the sum of individuals acting in a more or less voluntary manner, it is fundamental to recall that the action of the State, as an institution, depends greatly upon the people who run it (Idem. (ii) The concept of "elite" cannot effectively account for the problem of domination since it does not take into consideration the problem of society's class structure. These elites then seek to influence politics by 'investing' in the parties or policies they support through political contributions and other means such as endorsements in the media. Both in Political Power and Social Classes, published in 1968, and in the polemic which thereafter he engaged in with Ralph Miliband in the pages of the New Left Review, Poulantzas criticized the analytical, political and ideological impertinence that was bringing in the problematic of political elites into Marxist theory (cf. C. Wright Mills is counted among prominent social thinkers of twentieth century. One of its most famous foundational texts is the book by Karl Marx (and Friedrich Engels . We are confident that this issues contributions will help revive interest in elite theory and highlight its potentially fruitful explanatory strength vis--vis key problems and challenges faced by contemporary democracies.Footnote 1. Elite Theory is when an individual holds power due to social privileges being passed on from generation to generation, mainly through inherited wealth and high standard education. There is not much doubt concerning the fact that the structure of capitalist society creates several limits to the decisions, strategies and room for action of the political elites. The outlook of the Italian school of elitism is based on two ideas: Pareto emphasized the psychological and intellectual superiority of elites, believing that they were the highest accomplishers in any field. It would be necessary to at least explain how "solidarity" among class members (a common way of thinking) becomes "cooperation" (a common way of acting) (cf. In this setting, Salvemini adds a novel dimension to the futility thesis. It rejected the Marxian idea that a classless society having an egalitarian structure could be realized after class struggle in every society. In sum, it is necessary to know whether the members of the minority at stake act in a way that is coordinated and convenient for the interests of the class they supposedly "represent"; whether they explicitly speak "on its behalf" and whether they belong to the class in question. Mosca, Pareto, and Michels accepted that governing elites are usually (albeit not necessarily) friendly to leading economic interests, but they rejected Karl Marxs analysis of historical change as the result of class conflict. Pluralism (political theory) 19 languages. There are at least three questions to be dealt with in this regard. ", and not "who decides?" volume41,pages 15 (2022)Cite this article. [14], Putnam saw the development of technical and exclusive knowledge among administrators and other specialist groups as a mechanism that strips power from the democratic process and slips it to the advisors and specialists who influence the decision process. Education expert Diane Ravitch has criticized the charter school movement, which has shifted into a privatized model since its debut, for killing public schools across the nation. During the last thirty years, there have been numerous attempts to revise or reconstitute the "classical" theory of democracy: the familiar doctrine of popular rule, patterned after the New England town . PUTNAM, Robert D. (1976), The comparative study of political elites. This deformation of Marxism, a maneuver which facilitates uncomplicated rejection can be found both in Gaetano Mosca (1939) and Raymond Aron (1991) or Pierre Birnbaum (1994). (1998), Poder e sociedade. During the electoral campaign, each party tries to convince voters it is the most suitable for managing the state business. 2. Thus, we never know for sure the place and function of the state apparatus and its operators, the "state elite" in the reproduction of social and political domination. 6 Similar suggestions have been mad by Therborn (1983, 1989) and Przeworsky (1989). According to both, the concept of elite is useful insofar as it explains some social realities to which the concept of class cannot be applied to or cannot be adjusted to adequately. This is derived from the works of Karl Marx, who saw society as fragmented into groups that compete for social and economic resources. So Paulo, Companhia das Letras. In the seventh essay, Pedro T. Magalhes calls the readers attention to a towering political and sociological theory figure that is seldom associated with elite theory, but which should be so: Max Weber. in Western-style democracies from a democratic-elite - or what I prefer to term a demo-elite - perspective. Let us know if you have suggestions to improve this article (requires login). As discussed above, Poulantzas sought to resolve the problem of the relationship between agents of the state (the political and/or bureaucratic "elites") and the political domination of a certain class or fraction based on the conjugation of two concepts: "ruling class" and "hegemonic class (or fraction)." ): The primary object of every elite or ruling class is to preserve power and privilege. - 178.88.168.55. The first one is dedicated to translating the chief issues of the theory of elites for Marxism, or, to be more precise: to expound them in the official language of theoretical Marxism in order to outline not their dissimilarities (which are somewhat obvious), but, rather, the fundamental differences which set apart each of these theoretical models. Elite Theory: Philosophical Challenges. Campinas, tese de doutorado em Cincia Poltica, Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Unicamp. (1960), Karl Marx devant le bonapartisme. How do we explain them? There are two versions of the critique of the elitists to the Marxist conception of the dominant class. The political scientist Thomas Ferguson's Investment Theory of Party Competition can be thought of as an elite theory. Paris, Maspero, 2 vols. The theoretical view held by many social scientists which holds that American politics is best understood through the generalization that nearly all political power is held by a relatively small and wealthy group of people sharing similar values and interests and mostly coming from relatively similar privileged backgrounds. It would thus be important to reestablish the theoretical principles of Marxism before opposing it (or, from our perspective, connecting it) to elitism. When Mills published his book in 1956 it made him very . Topoi 41, 15 (2022). In this sense, the state serves the long-term interests of the dominant class, or, to be specific, the political interests of this class in particular, interests which basically consist of the reproduction of fundamental characteristics/interrelations that constitute the capitalist mode of production. [4] Polybius effectively said this is due to a failure to properly apply checks and balances between the three mentioned forms as well as subsequent political institutions. There is little doubt that elite theory tends to be excessively voluntaristic in its analysis of the power of political elites since it tends to neglect elements external to politics as conditioning and limiting factors vis--vis the power of these special social groups. The Marxists could refute these arguments by saying that neither they nor Marx defend the idea that social classes act directly in politics, as voluntary collective forces (Therborn, 1989). Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. characteristics of a ruling elite and attempted to specify a method which could be used to test for the existence of a ruling elite.1 The theory and empirical study of political power was never quite the same again, for Dahl showed that there were crucial faults in much of the power elite literature. Raising the problem of "bureaucracy" only makes sense if the decisive difference between the state apparatus and state power are kept in mind (Idem, p. 164). In reality, from our perspective, it is more reasonable to think that the concept of elite can be useful when empirically working out the class analysis of politics5. This sort of epistemological surveillance would also be more efficient in correcting "errors," "deviations" and inherent flaws within Marxist theory insofar as there would be a lesser need to resort to other intellectual traditions. Perhaps there is room here for applying an analysis similar to the one developed by Hirschman in his Rhetoric of Reaction. However, certain political practices are associated with the democratic formula. However, this distinction between the rhetoric of legitimation and true motives needs to be related to a more significant and fundamental social division: the one between the ruling class and the ruled (in Moscas terminology) or between the elite and the non-elite (in Paretos terminology). The third section briefly presents the theoretical solutions Poulantzas himself provided in order to overcome such troubles. (1980), A construo da ordem: a elite politica imperial. So Paulo, Editora 34. Those defenses of elite rule are the more notable because, in some cases, their authors ostensibly rejected the ancient assumption of unequally distributed capacities in favour of some notion of natural equality. FAUSTO, Boris & DEVOTO, Fernando J. Marxist criticism is an approach to theory and literary commentary that questions society and culture. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1. MOSCA, Gaetano. The firm conviction that Marx is right about (a) the false consciousness caused by capitalism and (b) the inevitable failure of capitalism due to its internal contradictions can breed a form of elitist thinking that can become very manipulative. The famous iron law of oligarchy, advanced by the German-born Italian political sociologist and economist Robert Michels, was more systematic: instead of merely positing the inevitability of elite domination, Michels tried to explain it by reference to the peculiar organizational features of modern politics, undoubtedly influenced on that point by the German sociologist Max Weber. Once can easily notice that this move, instead of settling the score for good, just adds another term to the equation, as now we have an additional empirical problem: how then can it be proved that such institutions in fact represent or serve as a vehicle for the interests of the class in question? The article states, against Poulantzas suggestions, that the insertion of the concept of "lite" in theoretical Marxism may produce positive effects on it, specially making the classist analysis of politics scientifically manageable. For example, the American economist Kenneth Arrows impossibility theorem showed that ordinary voting procedures could not in principle express a stable collective will, implying that agenda setting and other procedural maneuvers by a few strategically placed actors are indispensable to public choices. CARVALHO, Jose Murilo de. Another distinction between Marxist, Pluralist, and Elite theory's is that the Pluralist and Marxist theories are led by structure functionalism and they both have specific functions in society while Elite are not controlled by interest groups. According to elite theory, the wealthy use their power to control the nation's economy in such a way that those below them cannot advance economically. Paris, PUF. Get a Britannica Premium subscription and gain access to exclusive content. An elite is anyone who falls into the top ten percentile of the nation's wealth. Correspondence to An elite may influence one field but it cannot influence all the fields. Our perspective is that the answer to this question ought to be no. In this stud wily I worl okn the classic elite theories Pareto', namels y Circulation of Elites Mosca', s theories o Rulinf g Class, and Michels' theory of Iron law of Oligarch anyd I will not ge intt o neither the subject of Power Elite nor elites roles in today's societie particularls iyn developing countries. Department of Sociology Gothenburg University"), Putnam, R. D. (1977) Elite Transformation in Advance Industrial Societies: An Empirical Assessment of the Theory of Technocracy in, This page was last edited on 24 February 2023, at 06:20. Secondly, there is the problem of the state bureaucracy, one that implies an array of additional problems: i) what is the connection between the state bureaucracy and the dominant class? Democracies from a democratic-elite - or what I prefer to term a demo-elite perspective! Karl Marx ( and Friedrich criticism of elite theory the former consequently, no social structure is permanent, and stable. 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